Eurogroup
sounds like a name for a rock band or a multidivisional conglomerate. It
is actually the grouping of Eurozone finance ministers, but perhaps it is
appropriate to compare it to the other two given how dysfunctional its members
work with each other.
In the
case of Cyprus, the finance ministers in the Eurogroup ended up bickering over
the details of how to save money in the bailout. They first tried to do
this by breaking two key principals in banking, one the guarantee on small
depositors’ money (the government ensures that depositors always get their
money back), and the other the seniority of depositors over bondholders and
other claimants on the bank (depositors always get paid back before creditors
do). This needlessly caused panic amongst savers and hurt whatever trust
and confidence is left in the banks (how can you trust the financial system if
you don’t have confidence that your money is safe in your bank?). The
financial system inherently works on a system of confidence and trust.
Banks need confidence because they are lending out most of the deposits they
take in; the bank by default does not have the ability to pay if all depositors
suddenly want their money back, as is the case when they lose confidence.
So
though the Eurogroup of ministers had to change their bailout proposal after
protests (rightly so) from Cypriots, but they had already eroded confidence to
such an extent that many depositors, not just Cypriot banks but elsewhere as
well, will now withdraw money out of their banks and stuff it under a mattress
(or elsewhere where it is not as economically productive). Then Jeroen
Djsselbloem, the Dutch finance minister and current head of the Eurogroup (his
name sounds remarkably close to DimWitBloem in German), had the gumption to say
that this new bailout plan can be the new template for how bailouts will work
in the future. He further compounded his faux-pas by saying that
Luxembourg, Malta and other countries with big banking sectors should fix their
problems too. I guess no one bothering to tell him that the more he
scares people in a financial crisis, the higher the costs of the bailout.
By trying to save a few pennies (the Cypriot bailout was only supposed
to cost Eurozone countries EUR 10bn, which in the whole scheme of things is
miniscule), the Eurogroup has now made the problem much worse. Sure
enough, the estimated costs of the Cypriot bailout has increased by EUR 6bn,
simply because of the Eurogroup's idiotic actions. They may have been
right in their sentiments that creditors should bear losses in a bank bailout,
but they should have done this in an orderly structure where everyone
understands the process. The Eurogroup
is actually tasked with drawing up rules for orderly structuring bank
recapitalisations, but has been taking its time with doing so, which makes one
wonder why other people have to agree to its terms in haste while the Eurogroup
doesn't have to abide by its own rules.
DimWitBloem
also committed a potentially even bigger sin, repudiating his commitment to a
common rescue fund for the Eurozone, once a Eurozone banking regulator is in
place. I actually have some sympathy for this point of view, but for a
different reason. The collective rescue fund and banking regulator is
supposed to break the ability of governments to get their banks to support them
(mainly by buying government bonds). But knowing how EU countries always
water down the regulations, I'm very skeptical that this tie can be broken
under the proposed structure. In fact, as it stands, EU regulations have
already sown the seeds for another disaster. Solvency 2 (new regulations
for insurance companies and soon to apply to pension funds) gives government
debt a risk weighting of 0% in those investors’ portfolios, i.e. government
debt is deemed to be riskless!!! Now, does anyone out there think that
debt of the likes of Italy and Spain is riskless??? Nuts... But my
point is that the EU can't be trusted to get the rules right, so having a
unified rescue fund will likely only cause weaker countries to find ways to
dump their troubled assets into the rescue fund. Also, banks tend to use
the government bonds of their home country as a means to take care of simple cash
needs. So unless a Eurozone-wide government bond is issued, it will be
effectively impossible to break the link between weak countries and their
banks. I, for one, am actually in favour of a Eurozone bond as long as it
can be structured to be senior to each country's own bonds. That way,
governments can default on their own bonds without the significant
destabilising effect on the rest of the Eurozone, as the default would be more
contained and have a much smaller impact on the banking sector. This is similar to how it is difficult for the
US federal government to default but relatively easy for individual US states
to do so (and they have done so in the past).
So the
Eurogroup has been so dysfunctional in its actions that one has to wonder
whether it is craven cowardice in facing up to reality or whether any of them
know anything about economics and how a financial system works. The lack of forward thinking is
shocking. Being reactionary is not a plan; it impairs the ability of the
EU to make the necessary reforms to grow out of the current crisis. The lack of a plan causes
people to focus on nitpicking the bailout’s details rather than focusing on the
greater goal. A plan to recover from a debt-induced economic crisis is
fairly straightforward; it has been done several times in the past (so what’s
taking so long in figuring out what to do this time?). It comes in three stages:
1) First,
you must implement and explain the need for austerity. This is not as
what northern Eurozone countries such as the Netherlands and Germany demand,
i.e. simply cutting spending. Instead,
it means explaining why the current system is not sustainable (overall spending
needs to be shifted from consumption to more economically productive uses) and
to chart an inevitable course for why change is needed. People don’t like
this idea but they get it. Some will probably fight tooth and nail to
keep their benefits, but overall, they see sense in the reasoning. And
you have to stick to the plan. Maggie Thatcher said it best, “The lady is
not for turning”.
2) But
you have to give people an out. This is step two. You have to implement
the changes needed to reform the system. People have to know that there
is a clear direction towards a brighter future, otherwise they won’t work for
it. Again referring back to Maggie Thatcher, she definitely changed
people's attitudes towards entrepreneurship, aspiration and working to get
ahead. The UK is a much more dynamic culture that what it was before
because of this.
3) But
Thatcher only got it two thirds right. There is a third step (and
unfortunately, most reformers miss step three…Sweden is probably one of the
better examples of how step three works). Generations of people are often left
behind by reforms, e.g. coal miners by Thatcher, and they are never able to
recover without help from the state. Not everyone is an entrepreneur
who's willing to risk their livelihoods in a competitive world...most people
actually aren't, so the trick is to give them a bit of confidence but more
importantly the skills and opportunities needed to adapt to the changed
world. Thatcher failed to do this, and the devastation to the economy in
the north of the country (not to mention Tory prospects for being electorally
competitive in these regions) was the result. The current UK government
has done stage one but has not done a good job moving on to step two, a growth
plan which is necessary to make step one work, and hasn’t given much thought to
a step three. Unfortunately, the Eurogroup and Eurozone leaders are in
even worse shape; they don’t seem to have a credible plan for even step one,
much less the other two.
Note,
people should not view the assistance with adjusting to reforms in step three as
welfare. It is a necessary investment to help the economy better adapt to
changing market environments and should be quick and temporary. The
minute it becomes permanent, then it is merely a transfer of wealth from the
economically productive to the unproductive. The objective is to assist
the unproductive to become productive again to support themselves, not to give
them money in order to placate them that they are "getting their fair
share".
Ideally,
one should not take disproportionately more money from the economically
productive to subsidise this process. However, that just doesn't work in
reality. The economically productive are by definition generating more
income, so in order to be able to pay for the adjustment programmes, it is
necessary to get a greater contribution from them (e.g. Germany, Netherlands, the
rich, etc). But again, people need to get away from this mentality that
these payments are to allow them "to get their fair share".
They are not. It's just that this is the most efficient way of
raising the funds for such programmes. This is an important distinction
that people need to set in their minds.
So the
framework for a Eurozone recovery is fairly straightforward. It is the
same one used by Sweden to recover from its financial crisis in the 1990s and
by Germany roughly 10 years ago when the country was highly uncompetitive.
But the advantage that those countries had was that they stopped talking
and whining about the problem and got on with implementing the solutions.
In the present crisis, the EU countries which have already starting
implementing reforms in a substantial way like Ireland, Latvia and Estonia, are
already well on their way to recovery. The
problem with the rest of the Eurozone right now is that they are still having a
bunch of useless discussions without a long-term plan. So it's tough to see how the Eurozone is
going to get itself out of the current malaise. But everyone should know
that the problem is the lack of political will, not the lack of a viable
economic solution. Maggie Thatcher, the Eurozone could use someone like
you right now...
No comments:
Post a Comment